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The modern Albanian-Serbian conflict has its roots in the explusion of the Albanians in from areas that became incorporated into the Principality of Serbia.

After the socialist government under Josip Broz Tito systematically repressed all manifestations of nationalism throughout Yugoslavia, seeking to ensure that no republic or nationality gained dominance over the others.

In particular, Tito diluted the power of Serbia —the largest and most populous republic—by establishing autonomous governments in the Serbian province of Vojvodina in the north and Kosovo and Metohija in the south.

The secret police the UDBA cracked down hard on nationalists. In a number of Albanians went on trial in Kosovo on charges of espionage and subversion.

The threat of separatism was in fact minimal, as the few underground groups aiming for union with Albania had little political significance.

Their long-term impact became substantial, though, as some—particularly the Revolutionary Movement for Albanian Unity, founded [ when?

Demaci himself was imprisoned in along with many of his followers. Yugoslavia underwent a period of economic and political crisis in , as a massive government program of economic reform widened the gap between the rich north and poor south of the country.

Student demonstrations and riots in Belgrade in June spread to Kosovo in November, but Yugoslav security forces quelled them. The University of Pristina was established as an independent institution in , ending a long period when the institution had been run as an outpost of Belgrade University.

The lack of Albanian-language educational materials in Yugoslavia hampered Albanian education in Kosovo, so an agreement was struck with Albania itself to supply textbooks.

In the Serbian Orthodox Church ordered its clergy to compile data on the ongoing problems of Serbs in Kosovo , seeking to pressure the government in Belgrade to do more to protect the interests of Serbs there.

Along with Vojvodina , Kosovo was declared a province and gained many of the powers of a fully-fledged republic: Provincial power was still exercised by the Communist Party, but now devolved mainly to ethnic Albanian communists.

The disturbances were quelled by the Presidency of Yugoslavia proclaiming a state of emergency, sending in riot police and the army, which resulted in numerous casualties.

Communist hard-liners instituted a fierce crackdown on nationalism of all kinds. Kosovo endured a heavy secret-police presence throughout most of the s that ruthlessly suppressed any unauthorised nationalist manifestations, both Albanian and Serbian.

According to a report quoted by Mark Thompson , as many as , inhabitants of Kosovo were arrested, interrogated, interned or reprimanded.

Thousands of these lost their jobs or were expelled from their educational establishments. During this time tension between the Albanian and Serbian communities continued to escalate.

In February a group of priests from Serbia proper petitioned their bishops to ask "why the Serbian Church is silent" and why it did not campaign against "the destruction, arson and sacrilege of the holy shrines of Kosovo".

Such concerns did attract interest in Belgrade. Stories appeared from time to time in the Belgrade media claiming that Serbs and Montenegrins were being persecuted.

There was a perception among Serbian nationalists that Serbs were being driven out of Kosovo. Albanians, as well as Serbs, tended to favor their compatriots when hiring new employees, but the number of jobs was too few for the population.

Kosovo was the poorest entity of Yugoslavia: In it was reported that some 4, Serbs moved from Kosovo to central Serbia after the Kosovo Albanian riots in March that resulted in several Serb deaths and the desecration of Serbian Orthodox architecture and graveyards.

Pavlovic of being an appeaser who was soft on Albanian radicals", and that "Mr. Milosevic and his supporters appear to be staking their careers on a strategy of confrontation with the Kosovo ethnic Albanians".

Branko Mamula, who claimed that "from to , illegal Albanian organisations with 1, members were discovered in the JNA". Mamula had also said that ethnic Albanian subversives had been preparing for "killing officers and soldiers, poisoning food and water, sabotage, breaking into weapons arsenals and stealing arms and ammunition, desertion and causing flagrant nationalist incidents in army units".

In Kosovo an increasingly poisonous atmosphere between Serbs and Albanians led to wild rumors being spread and otherwise trivial incidents being blown out of proportion.

It was against this tense background that the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts SANU conducted a survey of Serbs who had left Kosovo in and , which concluded that a considerable number had left under pressure from Albanians.

It paid special attention to Kosovo, arguing that the Kosovo Serbs were being subjected to "physical, political, legal and cultural genocide" in an "open and total war" that had been ongoing since the spring of Albanians saw it as a call for Serbian supremacy at the local level, claiming the Serb emigrants had left Kosovo for economic reasons, while the Slovenes and Croats saw a threat in the call for a more assertive Serbia.

On 26 June Serbian authorities closed the Kosovo Assembly, citing special circumstances. In the mids, Rugova pleaded for a United Nations peacekeeping force for Kosovo.

Continuing repression [ citation needed ] convinced many Albanians that only armed resistance would change the situation.

On 22 April , four attacks on Serbian security personnel were carried out almost simultaneously in several parts of Kosovo.

A hitherto-unknown organisation calling itself the " Kosovo Liberation Army " KLA subsequently claimed responsibility. The nature of the KLA was at first mysterious.

At first, it seemed that their only goals were to stop repression from Yugoslav authorities. As stated by Jakup Krasniqi , who was the spokesman of the group, Kosovo Liberation Army was formed by some members from Democratic League of Kosovo , a political party led by Ibrahim Rugova.

There is de facto Albanian nation. The tragedy is that European powers after World War I decided to divide that nation between several Balkan states.

We are now fighting to unify the nation, to liberate all Albanians, including those in Macedonia, Montenegro, and other parts of Serbia. We are not just a liberation army for Kosovo.

It is widely believed [ by whom? Military stockpiles were looted with impunity by criminal gangs, with much of the hardware ending up in western Kosovo and boosting the growing KLA arsenal.

Government as a terrorist organization. Meanwhile, the US held an "outer wall of sanctions" on Yugoslavia which had been tied to a series of issues, Kosovo being one of them.

These were maintained despite the agreement at Dayton to end all sanctions. The Clinton administration claimed that Dayton bound Yugoslavia to hold discussions with Rugova over Kosovo.

The crisis escalated in December at the Peace Implementation Council meeting in Bonn, where the international community as defined in the Dayton Agreement agreed to give the High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina sweeping powers, including the right to dismiss elected leaders.

At the same time, Western diplomats insisted that Kosovo be discussed, and that Yugoslavia be responsive to Albanian demands there.

The delegation from Yugoslavia stormed out of the meetings in protest. This was followed by the return of the Contact Group that oversaw the last phases of the Bosnian conflict and declarations from European powers demanding that Yugoslavia solve the problem in Kosovo.

KLA attacks intensified, centering on the Drenica valley area with the compound of Adem Jashari being a focal point. Despite some accusations of summary executions and killings of civilians, condemnations from Western capitals were not as voluble as they would become later.

Serb police began to pursue Jashari and his followers in the village of Donje Prekaz. A massive firefight at the Jashari compound led to the massacre of 60 Albanians, of which eighteen were women and ten were under the age of sixteen.

Madeleine Albright said that "this crisis is not an internal affair of the FRY". On March 24, Yugoslav forces surrounded the village of Glodjane and attacked a rebel compound there.

Although there were deaths and severe injuries on the Albanian side, the insurgency in Glodjane was far from stamped out.

It was in fact to become one of the strongest centres of resistance in the upcoming war. In early April, Serbia arranged for a referendum on the issue of foreign interference in Kosovo.

Serbian voters decisively rejected foreign interference in this crisis. The publication of these images sent a signal to the KLA, its supporters and sympathisers, and to observers in general, that the US was decisively backing the KLA and the Albanian population in Kosovo.

Rather, the US demanded that the Serbian-Yugoslavian side should cease fire "without linkage They moved on to the Belacevec coal pits and captured them in late June, threatening energy supplies in the region.

Their tactics as usual focused mainly on guerilla and mountain warfare , and harassing and ambushing Yugoslav forces and Serb police patrols.

The Orthodox monastery of Zociste three miles 4. This led to a series of Serb and Yugoslav offensives which would continue into the beginning of August.

Finally, in late September, a determined effort was made to clear the KLA out of the northern and central parts of Kosovo and out of the Drenica valley itself.

During this time many threats were made from Western capitals but these were tempered somewhat by the elections in Bosnia, as they did not want Serbian Democrats and Radicals to win.

Following the elections, the threats intensified once again but a galvanising event was needed. They got it on September 28, when the mutilated corpses of a family were discovered by KDOM outside the village of Gornje Obrinje ; the bloody doll from there became the rallying image for the ensuing war.

One tank commander reported, "for the entire time I was in Kosovo, I never saw an enemy soldier and my unit was never once involved in firing at enemy targets.

When retreating from Kosovo after NATO intervention, Yugoslav units appeared combat effective with high morale and displaying large holdings of undamaged equipment.

On 9 June , US President Bill Clinton declared a "national emergency" state of emergency due to the "unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States" imposed by Yugoslavia and Serbia over the Kosovo War.

It was these meetings which were shaping what was to be the peace plan to be discussed during a period of planned NATO occupation of Kosovo.

Officially, the international community demanded an end to fighting. It specifically demanded that the Yugoslavia end its offensives against the KLA whilst attempting to convince the KLA to drop its bid for independence.

This, they argued, would allow for the Christopher Hill peace process to proceed and yield a peace agreement. On 13 October , the North Atlantic Council issued activation orders ACTORDs for the execution of both limited air strikes and a phased air campaign in Yugoslavia which would begin in approximately 96 hours.

Their inadequacy was evident from the start. They were nicknamed the "clockwork oranges" in reference to their brightly coloured vehicles. Yugoslav authorities responded by launching a crackdown against KLA militants.

The January to March phase of the war brought increasing insecurity in urban areas, including bombings and murders. Such attacks took place during the Rambouillet talks in February and as the Kosovo Verification Agreement unraveled in March.

Killings on the roads continued and increased. This massacre was the turning point of the war. NATO decided that the conflict could only be settled by introducing a military peacekeeping force under the auspices of NATO, to forcibly restrain the two sides.

Pristina, the capital of Kosovo, had been subjected to heavy firefights and segregation according to OSCE reports.

On 30 January NATO issued a statement announcing that the North Atlantic Council had agreed that "the NATO Secretary General may authorise air strikes against targets on FRY territory" to "[compel] compliance with the demands of the international community and [to achieve] a political settlement".

They were intended to conclude by 19 February. The first phase of negotiations was successful. In particular, a statement was issued by the Contact Group co-chairmen on 23 February that the negotiations "have led to a consensus on substantial autonomy for Kosovo, including on mechanisms for free and fair elections to democratic institutions, for the governance of Kosovo, for the protection of human rights and the rights of members of national communities; and for the establishment of a fair judicial system".

They went on to say that "a political framework is now in place", leaving the further work of finalising "the implementation Chapters of the Agreement, including the modalities of the invited international civilian and military presence in Kosovo".

While the accords did not fully satisfy the Albanians, they were much too radical for the Yugoslavs, who responded by substituting a drastically revised text that even Russia ally of FR Yugoslavia found unacceptable.

It sought to reopen the painstakingly negotiated political status of Kosovo and deleted all of the proposed implementation measures.

Among many other changes in the proposed new version, it eliminated the entire chapter on humanitarian assistance and reconstruction, removed virtually all international oversight and dropped any mention of invoking "the will of the people [of Kosovo]" in determining the final status of the province.

They would have also permitted a continuing Yugoslav army presence of 1, troops for border monitoring, backed by up to 1, troops to perform command and support functions, as well as a small number of border police, 2, ordinary MUP for public security purposes although these were expected to draw down and to be transformed , and 3, local police.

The two sides did not discuss the issue in detail because of their disagreements on more fundamental problems. Events proceeded rapidly after the failure at Rambouillet and the alternative Yugoslav proposal.

On 23 March, the Serbian assembly accepted the principle of autonomy for Kosovo and non-military part of the agreement, while rejecting a NATO troop presence.

On 23 March at Tomahawk cruise missiles were also extensively used, fired from aircraft, ships, and submarines. Over the ten weeks of the conflict, NATO aircraft flew over 38, combat missions.

The proclaimed goal of the NATO operation was summed up by its spokesman as " Serbs out, peacekeepers in, refugees back". That is, Yugoslav troops would have to leave Kosovo and be replaced by international peacekeepers to ensure that the Albanian refugees could return to their homes.

The campaign was initially designed to destroy Yugoslav air defences and high-value military targets. It did not go very well at first, with bad weather hindering many sorties early on.

NATO military operations switched increasingly to attacking Yugoslav units on the ground, hitting targets as small as individual tanks and artillery pieces, as well as continuing with the strategic bombardment.

This activity was heavily constrained by politics, as each target needed to be approved by all nineteen member states.

At the start of May, a NATO aircraft attacked an Albanian refugee convoy , believing it was a Yugoslav military convoy, killing around fifty people.

NATO admitted its mistake five days later and the Yugoslavs accused NATO of deliberately attacking the refugees; [ citation needed ] A later report conducted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia ICTY entitled the "Final Report to the Prosecutor by the Committee Established to Review the NATO Bombing Campaign Against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia" [] opined that "civilians were not deliberately attacked in this incident" and that "neither the aircrew nor their commanders displayed the degree of recklessness in failing to take precautionary measures which would sustain criminal charges.

The United States and NATO later apologised for the bombing, saying that it occurred because of an outdated map provided by the CIA although this was challenged by a joint report from The Observer UK and Politiken Denmark newspapers [] which claimed that NATO intentionally bombed the embassy because it was being used as a relay station for Yugoslav army radio signals.

The report by the newspaper contradicts findings in the same report by the ICTY which stated that the root of the failures in target location "appears to stem from the land navigation techniques employed by an intelligence officer.

By the start of April, the conflict appeared little closer to a resolution and NATO countries began to seriously consider conducting ground operations in Kosovo.

British Prime Minister Tony Blair was a strong advocate of ground forces and pressured the United States to agree; his strong stance caused some alarm in Washington as US forces would be making the largest contribution to any offensive.

Tony Blair would order 50, British soldiers to be made ready for a ground offensive: He thus accepted the conditions offered by a Finnish—Russian mediation team and agreed to a military presence within Kosovo headed by the UN, but incorporating NATO troops.

Preparing for an invasion on 12 June, Norwegian special forces worked with the KLA on the Ramno mountain on the border between Macedonia and Kosovo and acted as scouts to monitor events in Kosovo.

Together with British special forces, Norwegian special forces were the first to cross over the border into Kosovo.

According to Keith Graves with the television network Sky News, the Norwegians were in Kosovo two days prior to the entry of other forces and were among the first into Pristina.

KFOR had been preparing to conduct combat operations, but in the end, its mission was only peacekeeping. It consisted of British forces a brigade built from 4th Armored and 5th Airborne Brigades , a French Army Brigade, a German Army brigade, which entered from the west while all the other forces advanced from the south, and Italian Army and United States Army brigades.

Although no resistance was met, three US soldiers from the Initial Entry Force were killed in accidents.

Jason Neil Pringle, was killed during operations after his parachute failed to deploy. Following the military campaign, the involvement of Russian peacekeepers proved to be tense and challenging to the NATO Kosovo force.

The Russians expected to have an independent sector of Kosovo, only to be unhappily surprised with the prospect of operating under NATO command.

Blunt shared a part in the difficult task of addressing the potentially violent international incident. Furthermore, in June , arms trading relations between Russia and Yugoslavia were exposed which led to the retaliation and bombings of Russian checkpoints and area police stations.

Thus, few members of the Yugoslav public expected NATO intervention, instead thinking that a diplomatic agreement would be reached. This campaign is most frequently described as one of "ethnic cleansing," intended to drive many, if not all, Kosovar Albanians from Kosovo, destroy the foundations of their society, and prevent them from returning.

Aside from politicians and diplomats, commentators and intellectuals also supported the war. Michael Ignatieff called NATOs intervention a "morally justifiable response to ethnic cleansing and the resulting flood of refugees, and not the cause of the flood of refugees" [] while Christopher Hitchens said NATO intervened only, "when Serbian forces had resorted to mass deportation and full-dress ethnic "cleansing.

Falk wrote that, "the NATO campaign achieved the removal of Yugoslav military forces from Kosovo and, even more significant, the departure of the dreaded Serbian paramilitary units and police" [] while an article in The Guardian wrote that for Mary Kaldor , Kosovo represented a laboratory on her thinking for human security, humanitarian intervention and international peacekeeping, the latter two which she defined as, "a genuine belief in the equality of all human beings; and this entails a readiness to risk lives of peacekeeping troops to save the lives of others where this is necessary.

It is unclear how much control or influence Baum had on the script; it appears that many of the changes were written by Baum against his wishes due to contractual requirements with Hamlin.

Andrew Danquer, and oil magnate John D. Although use of the script was rather free-form, the line about Hanna was ordered dropped as soon as Hamlin got word of his death in Beginning with the success of the stage version, most subsequent versions of the story, including newer editions of the novel, have been titled "The Wizard of Oz", rather than using the full, original title.

In more recent years, restoring the full title has become increasingly common, particularly to distinguish the novel from the Hollywood film. Baum wrote a new Oz book, The Marvelous Land of Oz , with a view to making it into a stage production, which was titled The Woggle-Bug , but Montgomery and Stone balked at appearing when the original was still running.

The Scarecrow and Tin Woodman were then omitted from this adaptation, which was seen as a self-rip-off by critics and proved to be a major flop before it could reach Broadway.

This did fairly well in Los Angeles, but not well enough to convince producer Oliver Morosco to mount a production in New York.

He also began a stage version of The Patchwork Girl of Oz , but this was ultimately realized as a film. With the success of Wizard on page and stage, Baum and Denslow hoped for further success and published Dot and Tot of Merryland in It was their last collaboration.

Baum worked primarily with John R. Cut-outs for the Kiddies without authorization. Several times during the development of the Oz series, Baum declared that he had written his last Oz book and devoted himself to other works of fantasy fiction based in other magical lands, including The Life and Adventures of Santa Claus and Queen Zixi of Ix.

However, he returned to the series each time, persuaded by popular demand, letters from children, and the failure of his new books.

Even so, his other works remained very popular after his death, with The Master Key appearing on St. In , Baum declared plans for an Oz amusement park.

In an interview, he mentioned buying Pedloe Island off the coast of California to turn it into an Oz park. However, there is no evidence that he purchased such an island, and no one has ever been able to find any island whose name even resembles Pedloe in that area.

Baum planned to live on the island, with administrative duties handled by the princess and her all-child advisers.

Because of his lifelong love of theatre, he financed elaborate musicals, often to his financial detriment. He did not get back to a stable financial situation for several years, after he sold the royalty rights to many of his earlier works, including The Wonderful Wizard of Oz.

This resulted in the M. Maud handled the finances anyway, and thus Baum lost much less than he could have. Baum made use of several pseudonyms for some of his other non-Oz books.

Baum also anonymously wrote The Last Egyptian: A Romance of the Nile. The group also included Will Rogers , but was proud to have had Baum as a member and posthumously revived many of his works despite their ephemeral intent.

Morosco, incidentally, quickly turned to film production, as did Baum. In , Baum started his own film production company The Oz Film Manufacturing Company , [35] which came as an outgrowth of the Uplifters.

He served as its president and principal producer and screenwriter. The rest of the board consisted of Louis F. The films were directed by J.

Baum invested none of his own money in the venture, unlike The Fairylogue and Radio-Plays , but the stress probably took its toll on his health.

On May 5, , Baum suffered a stroke. The following day he slipped into a coma but briefly awoke and spoke his last words to his wife, "Now we can cross the Shifting Sands.

His final Oz book, Glinda of Oz , was published on July 10, , a year after his death. The Oz series was continued long after his death by other authors, notably Ruth Plumly Thompson , who wrote an additional twenty-one Oz books.

Another traditional element that Baum intentionally omitted was the emphasis on romance. He considered romantic love to be uninteresting for young children, as well as largely incomprehensible.

In The Wonderful Wizard of Oz , the only element of romance lay in the background of the Tin Woodman and his love for Nimmie Amee , which explains his condition and does not otherwise affect the tale, and that of Gayelette and the enchantment of the Winged monkeys.

The only other stories with such elements were The Scarecrow of Oz and Tik-Tok of Oz , both based on dramatizations, which Baum regarded warily until his readers accepted them.

Anthony visited Aberdeen and stayed with the Baums. In this story, General Jinjur leads the girls and women of Oz in a revolt, armed with knitting needles; they succeed and make the men do the household chores.

Jinjur proves to be an incompetent ruler, but a female advocating gender equality is ultimately placed on the throne. During the period surrounding the Ghost Dance movement and Wounded Knee Massacre , Baum wrote two editorials about Native Americans for the Aberdeen Saturday Pioneer which have provoked controversy in recent times because of his assertion that the safety of White settlers depended on the wholesale genocide of American Indians.

Sociologist Robert Venables has argued that Baum was not using sarcasm in the editorials. The first piece was published on December 20, , five days after the killing of the Lakota Sioux holy man , Sitting Bull who was being held in custody at the time.

Following is the complete text of the editorial:. He was not a Chief, but without Kingly lineage he arose from a lowly position to the greatest Medicine Man of his time, by virtue of his shrewdness and daring.

In his day he saw his son and his tribe gradually driven from their possessions: And these, his conquerors, were marked in their dealings with his people by selfishness, falsehood and treachery.

What wonder that his wild nature, untamed by years of subjection, should still revolt? What wonder that a fiery rage still burned within his breast and that he should seek every opportunity of obtaining vengeance upon his natural enemies.

The proud spirit of the original owners of these vast prairies inherited through centuries of fierce and bloody wars for their possession, lingered last in the bosom of Sitting Bull.

With his fall the nobility of the Redskin is extinguished, and what few are left are a pack of whining curs who lick the hand that smites them.

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There was a perception among Serbian nationalists that Serbs were being driven out of Kosovo. Albanians, as well as Serbs, tended to favor their compatriots when hiring new employees, but the number of jobs was too few for the population.

Kosovo was the poorest entity of Yugoslavia: In it was reported that some 4, Serbs moved from Kosovo to central Serbia after the Kosovo Albanian riots in March that resulted in several Serb deaths and the desecration of Serbian Orthodox architecture and graveyards.

Pavlovic of being an appeaser who was soft on Albanian radicals", and that "Mr. Milosevic and his supporters appear to be staking their careers on a strategy of confrontation with the Kosovo ethnic Albanians".

Branko Mamula, who claimed that "from to , illegal Albanian organisations with 1, members were discovered in the JNA". Mamula had also said that ethnic Albanian subversives had been preparing for "killing officers and soldiers, poisoning food and water, sabotage, breaking into weapons arsenals and stealing arms and ammunition, desertion and causing flagrant nationalist incidents in army units".

In Kosovo an increasingly poisonous atmosphere between Serbs and Albanians led to wild rumors being spread and otherwise trivial incidents being blown out of proportion.

It was against this tense background that the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts SANU conducted a survey of Serbs who had left Kosovo in and , which concluded that a considerable number had left under pressure from Albanians.

It paid special attention to Kosovo, arguing that the Kosovo Serbs were being subjected to "physical, political, legal and cultural genocide" in an "open and total war" that had been ongoing since the spring of Albanians saw it as a call for Serbian supremacy at the local level, claiming the Serb emigrants had left Kosovo for economic reasons, while the Slovenes and Croats saw a threat in the call for a more assertive Serbia.

On 26 June Serbian authorities closed the Kosovo Assembly, citing special circumstances. In the mids, Rugova pleaded for a United Nations peacekeeping force for Kosovo.

Continuing repression [ citation needed ] convinced many Albanians that only armed resistance would change the situation.

On 22 April , four attacks on Serbian security personnel were carried out almost simultaneously in several parts of Kosovo.

A hitherto-unknown organisation calling itself the " Kosovo Liberation Army " KLA subsequently claimed responsibility. The nature of the KLA was at first mysterious.

At first, it seemed that their only goals were to stop repression from Yugoslav authorities. As stated by Jakup Krasniqi , who was the spokesman of the group, Kosovo Liberation Army was formed by some members from Democratic League of Kosovo , a political party led by Ibrahim Rugova.

There is de facto Albanian nation. The tragedy is that European powers after World War I decided to divide that nation between several Balkan states.

We are now fighting to unify the nation, to liberate all Albanians, including those in Macedonia, Montenegro, and other parts of Serbia.

We are not just a liberation army for Kosovo. It is widely believed [ by whom? Military stockpiles were looted with impunity by criminal gangs, with much of the hardware ending up in western Kosovo and boosting the growing KLA arsenal.

Government as a terrorist organization. Meanwhile, the US held an "outer wall of sanctions" on Yugoslavia which had been tied to a series of issues, Kosovo being one of them.

These were maintained despite the agreement at Dayton to end all sanctions. The Clinton administration claimed that Dayton bound Yugoslavia to hold discussions with Rugova over Kosovo.

The crisis escalated in December at the Peace Implementation Council meeting in Bonn, where the international community as defined in the Dayton Agreement agreed to give the High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina sweeping powers, including the right to dismiss elected leaders.

At the same time, Western diplomats insisted that Kosovo be discussed, and that Yugoslavia be responsive to Albanian demands there.

The delegation from Yugoslavia stormed out of the meetings in protest. This was followed by the return of the Contact Group that oversaw the last phases of the Bosnian conflict and declarations from European powers demanding that Yugoslavia solve the problem in Kosovo.

KLA attacks intensified, centering on the Drenica valley area with the compound of Adem Jashari being a focal point.

Despite some accusations of summary executions and killings of civilians, condemnations from Western capitals were not as voluble as they would become later.

Serb police began to pursue Jashari and his followers in the village of Donje Prekaz. A massive firefight at the Jashari compound led to the massacre of 60 Albanians, of which eighteen were women and ten were under the age of sixteen.

Madeleine Albright said that "this crisis is not an internal affair of the FRY". On March 24, Yugoslav forces surrounded the village of Glodjane and attacked a rebel compound there.

Although there were deaths and severe injuries on the Albanian side, the insurgency in Glodjane was far from stamped out.

It was in fact to become one of the strongest centres of resistance in the upcoming war. In early April, Serbia arranged for a referendum on the issue of foreign interference in Kosovo.

Serbian voters decisively rejected foreign interference in this crisis. The publication of these images sent a signal to the KLA, its supporters and sympathisers, and to observers in general, that the US was decisively backing the KLA and the Albanian population in Kosovo.

Rather, the US demanded that the Serbian-Yugoslavian side should cease fire "without linkage They moved on to the Belacevec coal pits and captured them in late June, threatening energy supplies in the region.

Their tactics as usual focused mainly on guerilla and mountain warfare , and harassing and ambushing Yugoslav forces and Serb police patrols.

The Orthodox monastery of Zociste three miles 4. This led to a series of Serb and Yugoslav offensives which would continue into the beginning of August.

Finally, in late September, a determined effort was made to clear the KLA out of the northern and central parts of Kosovo and out of the Drenica valley itself.

During this time many threats were made from Western capitals but these were tempered somewhat by the elections in Bosnia, as they did not want Serbian Democrats and Radicals to win.

Following the elections, the threats intensified once again but a galvanising event was needed. They got it on September 28, when the mutilated corpses of a family were discovered by KDOM outside the village of Gornje Obrinje ; the bloody doll from there became the rallying image for the ensuing war.

One tank commander reported, "for the entire time I was in Kosovo, I never saw an enemy soldier and my unit was never once involved in firing at enemy targets.

When retreating from Kosovo after NATO intervention, Yugoslav units appeared combat effective with high morale and displaying large holdings of undamaged equipment.

On 9 June , US President Bill Clinton declared a "national emergency" state of emergency due to the "unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States" imposed by Yugoslavia and Serbia over the Kosovo War.

It was these meetings which were shaping what was to be the peace plan to be discussed during a period of planned NATO occupation of Kosovo.

Officially, the international community demanded an end to fighting. It specifically demanded that the Yugoslavia end its offensives against the KLA whilst attempting to convince the KLA to drop its bid for independence.

This, they argued, would allow for the Christopher Hill peace process to proceed and yield a peace agreement. On 13 October , the North Atlantic Council issued activation orders ACTORDs for the execution of both limited air strikes and a phased air campaign in Yugoslavia which would begin in approximately 96 hours.

Their inadequacy was evident from the start. They were nicknamed the "clockwork oranges" in reference to their brightly coloured vehicles.

Yugoslav authorities responded by launching a crackdown against KLA militants. The January to March phase of the war brought increasing insecurity in urban areas, including bombings and murders.

Such attacks took place during the Rambouillet talks in February and as the Kosovo Verification Agreement unraveled in March.

Killings on the roads continued and increased. This massacre was the turning point of the war. NATO decided that the conflict could only be settled by introducing a military peacekeeping force under the auspices of NATO, to forcibly restrain the two sides.

Pristina, the capital of Kosovo, had been subjected to heavy firefights and segregation according to OSCE reports. On 30 January NATO issued a statement announcing that the North Atlantic Council had agreed that "the NATO Secretary General may authorise air strikes against targets on FRY territory" to "[compel] compliance with the demands of the international community and [to achieve] a political settlement".

They were intended to conclude by 19 February. The first phase of negotiations was successful. In particular, a statement was issued by the Contact Group co-chairmen on 23 February that the negotiations "have led to a consensus on substantial autonomy for Kosovo, including on mechanisms for free and fair elections to democratic institutions, for the governance of Kosovo, for the protection of human rights and the rights of members of national communities; and for the establishment of a fair judicial system".

They went on to say that "a political framework is now in place", leaving the further work of finalising "the implementation Chapters of the Agreement, including the modalities of the invited international civilian and military presence in Kosovo".

While the accords did not fully satisfy the Albanians, they were much too radical for the Yugoslavs, who responded by substituting a drastically revised text that even Russia ally of FR Yugoslavia found unacceptable.

It sought to reopen the painstakingly negotiated political status of Kosovo and deleted all of the proposed implementation measures.

Among many other changes in the proposed new version, it eliminated the entire chapter on humanitarian assistance and reconstruction, removed virtually all international oversight and dropped any mention of invoking "the will of the people [of Kosovo]" in determining the final status of the province.

They would have also permitted a continuing Yugoslav army presence of 1, troops for border monitoring, backed by up to 1, troops to perform command and support functions, as well as a small number of border police, 2, ordinary MUP for public security purposes although these were expected to draw down and to be transformed , and 3, local police.

The two sides did not discuss the issue in detail because of their disagreements on more fundamental problems.

Events proceeded rapidly after the failure at Rambouillet and the alternative Yugoslav proposal. On 23 March, the Serbian assembly accepted the principle of autonomy for Kosovo and non-military part of the agreement, while rejecting a NATO troop presence.

On 23 March at Tomahawk cruise missiles were also extensively used, fired from aircraft, ships, and submarines. Over the ten weeks of the conflict, NATO aircraft flew over 38, combat missions.

The proclaimed goal of the NATO operation was summed up by its spokesman as " Serbs out, peacekeepers in, refugees back". That is, Yugoslav troops would have to leave Kosovo and be replaced by international peacekeepers to ensure that the Albanian refugees could return to their homes.

The campaign was initially designed to destroy Yugoslav air defences and high-value military targets. It did not go very well at first, with bad weather hindering many sorties early on.

NATO military operations switched increasingly to attacking Yugoslav units on the ground, hitting targets as small as individual tanks and artillery pieces, as well as continuing with the strategic bombardment.

This activity was heavily constrained by politics, as each target needed to be approved by all nineteen member states.

At the start of May, a NATO aircraft attacked an Albanian refugee convoy , believing it was a Yugoslav military convoy, killing around fifty people.

NATO admitted its mistake five days later and the Yugoslavs accused NATO of deliberately attacking the refugees; [ citation needed ] A later report conducted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia ICTY entitled the "Final Report to the Prosecutor by the Committee Established to Review the NATO Bombing Campaign Against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia" [] opined that "civilians were not deliberately attacked in this incident" and that "neither the aircrew nor their commanders displayed the degree of recklessness in failing to take precautionary measures which would sustain criminal charges.

The United States and NATO later apologised for the bombing, saying that it occurred because of an outdated map provided by the CIA although this was challenged by a joint report from The Observer UK and Politiken Denmark newspapers [] which claimed that NATO intentionally bombed the embassy because it was being used as a relay station for Yugoslav army radio signals.

The report by the newspaper contradicts findings in the same report by the ICTY which stated that the root of the failures in target location "appears to stem from the land navigation techniques employed by an intelligence officer.

By the start of April, the conflict appeared little closer to a resolution and NATO countries began to seriously consider conducting ground operations in Kosovo.

British Prime Minister Tony Blair was a strong advocate of ground forces and pressured the United States to agree; his strong stance caused some alarm in Washington as US forces would be making the largest contribution to any offensive.

Tony Blair would order 50, British soldiers to be made ready for a ground offensive: He thus accepted the conditions offered by a Finnish—Russian mediation team and agreed to a military presence within Kosovo headed by the UN, but incorporating NATO troops.

Preparing for an invasion on 12 June, Norwegian special forces worked with the KLA on the Ramno mountain on the border between Macedonia and Kosovo and acted as scouts to monitor events in Kosovo.

Together with British special forces, Norwegian special forces were the first to cross over the border into Kosovo. According to Keith Graves with the television network Sky News, the Norwegians were in Kosovo two days prior to the entry of other forces and were among the first into Pristina.

KFOR had been preparing to conduct combat operations, but in the end, its mission was only peacekeeping. It consisted of British forces a brigade built from 4th Armored and 5th Airborne Brigades , a French Army Brigade, a German Army brigade, which entered from the west while all the other forces advanced from the south, and Italian Army and United States Army brigades.

Although no resistance was met, three US soldiers from the Initial Entry Force were killed in accidents. Jason Neil Pringle, was killed during operations after his parachute failed to deploy.

Following the military campaign, the involvement of Russian peacekeepers proved to be tense and challenging to the NATO Kosovo force.

The Russians expected to have an independent sector of Kosovo, only to be unhappily surprised with the prospect of operating under NATO command.

Blunt shared a part in the difficult task of addressing the potentially violent international incident. Furthermore, in June , arms trading relations between Russia and Yugoslavia were exposed which led to the retaliation and bombings of Russian checkpoints and area police stations.

Thus, few members of the Yugoslav public expected NATO intervention, instead thinking that a diplomatic agreement would be reached.

This campaign is most frequently described as one of "ethnic cleansing," intended to drive many, if not all, Kosovar Albanians from Kosovo, destroy the foundations of their society, and prevent them from returning.

Aside from politicians and diplomats, commentators and intellectuals also supported the war. Michael Ignatieff called NATOs intervention a "morally justifiable response to ethnic cleansing and the resulting flood of refugees, and not the cause of the flood of refugees" [] while Christopher Hitchens said NATO intervened only, "when Serbian forces had resorted to mass deportation and full-dress ethnic "cleansing.

Falk wrote that, "the NATO campaign achieved the removal of Yugoslav military forces from Kosovo and, even more significant, the departure of the dreaded Serbian paramilitary units and police" [] while an article in The Guardian wrote that for Mary Kaldor , Kosovo represented a laboratory on her thinking for human security, humanitarian intervention and international peacekeeping, the latter two which she defined as, "a genuine belief in the equality of all human beings; and this entails a readiness to risk lives of peacekeeping troops to save the lives of others where this is necessary.

US President Clinton and his administration were accused of inflating the number of Kosovo Albanians killed by state forces. Chinese leaders called the NATO campaign a dangerous precedent of naked aggression, a new form of colonialism, and an aggressive war groundless in morality or law.

It was seen as part of a plot by the US to destroy Yugoslavia, expand eastward and control all of Europe.

The United Nations Charter does not allow military interventions in other sovereign countries with few exceptions which, in general, need to be decided upon by the United Nations Security Council; this legal enjoinment has proved controversial with many [] [] [] legal scholars who argue that though the Kosovo War illegal, it was still legitimate.

The issue was brought before the UN Security Council by Russia, in a draft resolution which, inter alia , would affirm "that such unilateral use of force constitutes a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter".

China, Namibia, and Russia voted for the resolution, the other members against, thus it failed to pass. The war inflicted many casualties. Already by March , the combination of fighting and the targeting of civilians had left an estimated 1,—2, civilians and combatants dead.

Perhaps the most controversial deliberate attack of the war was that made against the headquarters of Serbian television on April 23, , which killed at least fourteen people.

By contrast, Susan Sontag , who witnessed the 3-year long siege of Sarajevo , said that the NATO intervention came "eight years too late" and that Milosevic should have been stopped already during the bombing of Dubrovnik in The Democratic League of Kosovo led by Ibrahim Rugova had been the leading political entity in Kosovo since its creation in Its parallel government in exile, was led by Bujar Bukoshi and its Minister of Defence until was the former Yugoslav colonel Ahmet Krasniqi.

Ahmet Krasniqi was shot in Tirana on 21 September It did not number more than few hundred men, and it did not show any commitment to fighting the Serbs, accepting a broader autonomy as a solution rather than independence.

Rugova was present at the negotiations held in Rambouillet and supported the Rambouillet Agreement since the first round, but without any influence.

Surprisingly, Ibrahim Rugova showed up in Belgrade as a guest of Milosevic. At a joint TV appearance on April 1, [] ending in Rugova-Milosevic handshake, Rugova asked for a peaceful solution and the bombings to stop.

Rugova himself stayed for several weeks out of Kosovo, while the prime-minister Bukoshi and other leading membership returned. But since only a fraction of Kosovo Albanians participated actively in the war, the support for DLK increased again as a way of opposing the arrogance of many KLA leaders who openly engaged in controlling the economical and political life within the vacuum created right before the deployment of UNMIK.

A study by researchers from the Center for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta , Georgia published in in medical journal the Lancet estimated that "12, deaths in the total population" could be attributed to war.

The highest mortality rates were in men between 15 and 49 5, victims of war as well as for men over 50 5, victims.

For persons younger than 15, the estimates were victims for males and for females. The authors stated that it was not "possible to differentiate completely between civilian and military casualties".

According to the updated Kosovo Memory Book, 13, people were killed or missing in Kosovo during the conflict, from 1 January up until December Beginning in , he founded and edited a magazine called The Show Window , [22] later known as the Merchants Record and Show Window , which focused on store window displays, retail strategies and visual merchandising.

The major department stores of the time created elaborate Christmastime fantasies, using clockwork mechanisms that made people and animals appear to move.

In , he wrote and published Mother Goose in Prose , a collection of Mother Goose rhymes written as prose stories and illustrated by Maxfield Parrish.

Mother Goose was a moderate success and allowed Baum to quit his sales job which had had a negative impact on his health. In , Baum partnered with illustrator W.

Denslow to publish Father Goose, His Book , a collection of nonsense poetry. In , Baum and Denslow with whom he shared the copyright published The Wonderful Wizard of Oz to much critical acclaim and financial success.

Baum went on to write thirteen more novels based on the places and people of the Land of Oz. This stage version opened in Chicago in the first to use the shortened title "The Wizard of Oz" , then ran on Broadway for stage nights from January to October It returned to Broadway in , where it played from March to May and again from November to December.

It successfully toured the United States with much of the same cast, as was done in those days, until , and then became available for amateur use.

Montgomery and Fred Stone as the Tin Woodman and Scarecrow respectively, which shot the pair to instant fame.

The stage version differed quite a bit from the book, and was aimed primarily at adults. Toto was replaced with Imogene the Cow, and Tryxie Tryfle a waitress and Pastoria a streetcar operator were added as fellow cyclone victims.

The Wicked Witch of the West was eliminated entirely in the script, and the plot became about how the four friends were allied with the usurping Wizard and were hunted as traitors to Pastoria II, the rightful King of Oz.

It is unclear how much control or influence Baum had on the script; it appears that many of the changes were written by Baum against his wishes due to contractual requirements with Hamlin.

Andrew Danquer, and oil magnate John D. Although use of the script was rather free-form, the line about Hanna was ordered dropped as soon as Hamlin got word of his death in Beginning with the success of the stage version, most subsequent versions of the story, including newer editions of the novel, have been titled "The Wizard of Oz", rather than using the full, original title.

In more recent years, restoring the full title has become increasingly common, particularly to distinguish the novel from the Hollywood film.

Baum wrote a new Oz book, The Marvelous Land of Oz , with a view to making it into a stage production, which was titled The Woggle-Bug , but Montgomery and Stone balked at appearing when the original was still running.

The Scarecrow and Tin Woodman were then omitted from this adaptation, which was seen as a self-rip-off by critics and proved to be a major flop before it could reach Broadway.

This did fairly well in Los Angeles, but not well enough to convince producer Oliver Morosco to mount a production in New York.

He also began a stage version of The Patchwork Girl of Oz , but this was ultimately realized as a film. With the success of Wizard on page and stage, Baum and Denslow hoped for further success and published Dot and Tot of Merryland in It was their last collaboration.

Baum worked primarily with John R. Cut-outs for the Kiddies without authorization. Several times during the development of the Oz series, Baum declared that he had written his last Oz book and devoted himself to other works of fantasy fiction based in other magical lands, including The Life and Adventures of Santa Claus and Queen Zixi of Ix.

However, he returned to the series each time, persuaded by popular demand, letters from children, and the failure of his new books.

Even so, his other works remained very popular after his death, with The Master Key appearing on St. In , Baum declared plans for an Oz amusement park.

In an interview, he mentioned buying Pedloe Island off the coast of California to turn it into an Oz park. However, there is no evidence that he purchased such an island, and no one has ever been able to find any island whose name even resembles Pedloe in that area.

Baum planned to live on the island, with administrative duties handled by the princess and her all-child advisers. Because of his lifelong love of theatre, he financed elaborate musicals, often to his financial detriment.

He did not get back to a stable financial situation for several years, after he sold the royalty rights to many of his earlier works, including The Wonderful Wizard of Oz.

This resulted in the M. Maud handled the finances anyway, and thus Baum lost much less than he could have. Baum made use of several pseudonyms for some of his other non-Oz books.

Baum also anonymously wrote The Last Egyptian: A Romance of the Nile. The group also included Will Rogers , but was proud to have had Baum as a member and posthumously revived many of his works despite their ephemeral intent.

Morosco, incidentally, quickly turned to film production, as did Baum. In , Baum started his own film production company The Oz Film Manufacturing Company , [35] which came as an outgrowth of the Uplifters.

He served as its president and principal producer and screenwriter. The rest of the board consisted of Louis F.

The films were directed by J. Baum invested none of his own money in the venture, unlike The Fairylogue and Radio-Plays , but the stress probably took its toll on his health.

On May 5, , Baum suffered a stroke. The following day he slipped into a coma but briefly awoke and spoke his last words to his wife, "Now we can cross the Shifting Sands.

His final Oz book, Glinda of Oz , was published on July 10, , a year after his death. The Oz series was continued long after his death by other authors, notably Ruth Plumly Thompson , who wrote an additional twenty-one Oz books.

Another traditional element that Baum intentionally omitted was the emphasis on romance. He considered romantic love to be uninteresting for young children, as well as largely incomprehensible.

In The Wonderful Wizard of Oz , the only element of romance lay in the background of the Tin Woodman and his love for Nimmie Amee , which explains his condition and does not otherwise affect the tale, and that of Gayelette and the enchantment of the Winged monkeys.

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